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Optimization of net returns from wildlife consumptive and non-consumptive uses by game reserve management
- EMMANUEL MWAKIWA, JOHN W. HEARNE, JOHANNES D. STIGTER, WILLEM F. DE BOER, MICHELLE HENLEY, ROB SLOTOW, FRANK VAN LANGEVELDE, MIKE PEEL, CORNELIA C. GRANT, HERBERT H.T. PRINS
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- Environmental Conservation / Volume 43 / Issue 2 / June 2016
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- 29 September 2015, pp. 128-139
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Landowners and game reserve managers are often faced with the decision whether to undertake consumptive (such as hunting) and/or non-consumptive (such as tourism) use of wildlife resources on their properties. Here a theoretical model was used to examine cases where the game reserve management allocated the amount of land devoted to hunting (trophy hunting) and tourism, based on three scenarios: (1) hunting is separated from tourism but wildlife is shared; (2) hunting and tourism co-exist; and (3) hunting and tourism are separated by a fence. The consumptive and non-consumptive uses are not mutually exclusive; careful planning is needed to ensure that multiple management objectives can be met. Further, the analysis indicates that the two uses may be undertaken in the same area. Whether they are spatially, or temporally separated depends on the magnitude of the consumptive use. When consumptive use is not dominant, the two are compatible in the same shared area, provided the wildlife population is sufficiently large.
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- By Donna L. Arand, Thomas J. Balkin, Michael H. Bonnet, Tina M. Burke, Christina E. Carvey, Michael W. L. Chee, Emma Childs, Nicholas Davenport, Janine M. Hall-Porter, Aaron M. Henley, Francine O. James, Thomas S. Kilduff, Su Mei Lee, Harris R. Lieberman, Cheryl Lowry, Caroline R. Mahoney, Melissa M. Mallis, James T. McKenna, Ravi K. Pasumarthi, Brian Pinkston, Phillip J. Quartana, John J. Renger, Tracy L. Rupp, Martin Sarter, Jonathan R. L. Schwartz, Mark R. Smith, Megan Peters, Robert E. Strecker, Lauren A. Thompson, James K. Walsh, Nancy J. Wesensten, Harriet de Wit, Kenneth P. Wright
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- By Rose Teteki Abbey, K. C. Abraham, David Tuesday Adamo, LeRoy H. Aden, Efrain Agosto, Victor Aguilan, Gillian T. W. Ahlgren, Charanjit Kaur AjitSingh, Dorothy B E A Akoto, Giuseppe Alberigo, Daniel E. Albrecht, Ruth Albrecht, Daniel O. Aleshire, Urs Altermatt, Anand Amaladass, Michael Amaladoss, James N. Amanze, Lesley G. Anderson, Thomas C. Anderson, Victor Anderson, Hope S. Antone, María Pilar Aquino, Paula Arai, Victorio Araya Guillén, S. Wesley Ariarajah, Ellen T. Armour, Brett Gregory Armstrong, Atsuhiro Asano, Naim Stifan Ateek, Mahmoud Ayoub, John Alembillah Azumah, Mercedes L. García Bachmann, Irena Backus, J. Wayne Baker, Mieke Bal, Lewis V. Baldwin, William Barbieri, António Barbosa da Silva, David Basinger, Bolaji Olukemi Bateye, Oswald Bayer, Daniel H. Bays, Rosalie Beck, Nancy Elizabeth Bedford, Guy-Thomas Bedouelle, Chorbishop Seely Beggiani, Wolfgang Behringer, Christopher M. Bellitto, Byard Bennett, Harold V. Bennett, Teresa Berger, Miguel A. Bernad, Henley Bernard, Alan E. Bernstein, Jon L. Berquist, Johannes Beutler, Ana María Bidegain, Matthew P. Binkewicz, Jennifer Bird, Joseph Blenkinsopp, Dmytro Bondarenko, Paulo Bonfatti, Riet en Pim Bons-Storm, Jessica A. Boon, Marcus J. Borg, Mark Bosco, Peter C. Bouteneff, François Bovon, William D. Bowman, Paul S. Boyer, David Brakke, Richard E. Brantley, Marcus Braybrooke, Ian Breward, Ênio José da Costa Brito, Jewel Spears Brooker, Johannes Brosseder, Nicholas Canfield Read Brown, Robert F. Brown, Pamela K. Brubaker, Walter Brueggemann, Bishop Colin O. Buchanan, Stanley M. Burgess, Amy Nelson Burnett, J. Patout Burns, David B. Burrell, David Buttrick, James P. Byrd, Lavinia Byrne, Gerado Caetano, Marcos Caldas, Alkiviadis Calivas, William J. Callahan, Salvatore Calomino, Euan K. Cameron, William S. Campbell, Marcelo Ayres Camurça, Daniel F. Caner, Paul E. Capetz, Carlos F. Cardoza-Orlandi, Patrick W. Carey, Barbara Carvill, Hal Cauthron, Subhadra Mitra Channa, Mark D. 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Yee, Viktor Yelensky, Yeo Khiok-Khng, Gustav K. K. Yeung, Angela Yiu, Amos Yong, Yong Ting Jin, You Bin, Youhanna Nessim Youssef, Eliana Yunes, Robert Michael Zaller, Valarie H. Ziegler, Barbara Brown Zikmund, Joyce Ann Zimmerman, Aurora Zlotnik, Zhuo Xinping
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6 - SOCIAL CAUSE AND CONSEQUENCE (by John Henley)
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- By John Henley
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
It should be clear by now that the issues of partnership in development go far beyond economics and industrial competition. The dilemmas we noted in chapter 4 for states seeking equally desirable but mutually exclusive goals can only be resolved over time and with political choices of priority at each step on the way. But political choice inextricably involves society. Who benefits? Who wins? Who loses? Who takes on new risks or sheds old ones? Whose opportunities to make choices are enlarged, or restricted? These are always key issues in political relationships. Bargaining between multinationals and their host governments is no different. For our purposes it is necessary to try to sort out which consequences for different social groups have resulted primarily from the state–firm relationship rather than from other factors. That is what we attempt in this chapter, focusing particularly on the issues that affect organised labour and the development of skills.
An example shows the analytical problems that come with the question ‘who benefits?’. Recall Firestone's moves to reduce its exposure to risk in Kenya. The controlling interest in the tyre factory was bought by a small group of local investors sufficiently influential to be able to persuade the authorities to make a special case. The ‘concessionary’ negotiations were limited to a chosen few: the state development finance institution was not permitted by the authorities to increase its holding though this would have required a smaller equity transfer to achieve local majority control. Kenya increased output and workers got new jobs. Local investors were awarded a rich ‘prize’.
Appendix: Brazil, Kenya, Malaysia
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
Nothing could demonstrate more clearly the dangers of using ‘developing country’ as a generic term than the statistical tables which follow. Our three exemplars of developing countries could hardly be more different from one another. Equal differences would emerge from any other randomly chosen group.
Brazil is obviously much larger than the other two, both in area and in population. The disparity in GNP very roughly matches the difference in physical size. Brazil's GNP in 1988 was estimated at $323 billion; Malaysia's at about a tenth of that at $35 billion; and Kenya's barely $8 billion. In wealth per head, there's not much to choose between Brazil and Malaysia – an average of $2,160 per head against $1,940 – while Kenyan poverty is striking. And the gap widens. Where Kenya has grown annually since 1965 at barely 2 per cent, Malaysia has achieved 4 per cent. The disparity, however, is not as sharply reflected in life expectancy at birth as one might have expected or as it probably was earlier this century. One possible reason is that, though poor, fewer Kenyans live in towns – 22 per cent compared with 41 per cent in Malaysia and 75 per cent in Brazil – where urban infant mortality is known to be very high.
In terms of economic growth, Malaysia is unquestionably the star performer of the three. It has the highest savings rate proportionate to GNP, and the highest growth throughout the 1980s of its exports, of which 45 per cent are now manufactures.
List of tables
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Frontmatter
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Contents
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Notes
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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4 - DILEMMAS FOR GOVERNMENTS
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
Export-led growth and increased autonomy have proved elusive goals for most developing countries. Most are constrained by limited resources and by intractable domestic agendas that impede their capability to implement policy. The grinding together of internationally mobile capital and intellectual resources against immobile labour has produced acute dilemmas for choosing policy and reconciling conflicting objectives. Where some have attempted to ignore international structural changes, others, perhaps grudgingly, have accepted the need for change and grasped the nettle of internal adjustment. Few have rivalled Singapore's enthusiasm for harnessing the multinationals as agents of growth and economic transformation.
In chapters 1 and 2, we laid out some of the broad lines of argument about how national choices are conditioned by the international political economy. Chapter 3 described how multinationals' strategies are similarly being shaped by the combination of external and internal forces. In this chapter we begin to assess how the changes can both bring together states and firms in partnership and also pull them apart. Figure 4.1 suggests one way of looking at the emerging relationships. National resources, combined with policy choice, affect both the appropriateness of various forms of firm strategy and the nation's attractiveness to existing and potential investors. Multinationals' resources and ambitions shape both their global strategies and choices of location. The lines of causality and interaction go both ways, affecting the performance of both players.
The focus of this chapter is on the government side of the equations. We aim to illuminate the nature of their dilemmas and to show how they affect the bargaining relationships with foreign investors.
7 - THE WAY FORWARD
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
We now draw together the strands of argument in preceding chapters to indicate the types of new questions we believe should be asked both by those who study international relations or international political economy and by those whose main concern is with corporate strategy and management. All our findings suggest that many of the conventional frameworks of analysis fail to deal adequately with the contemporary dynamism of change. The most common reason why they fail is that they do not take sufficiently into account either the broad structural changes in the global political economy, nor the highly differentiated conditions of individual states, where social, cultural and political forces often clash with economic imperatives. In looking at host-state/foreign firm relations we see governments typically perceiving themselves as caught between the upper millstone of structural change that forces them to compete for world market shares and the nether millstone of their dependence for survival both on foreign investors and on local political support. We also see foreign investors feeling caught between the same upper millstone of structural change and the nether one of the rooted resistance of third world governments to more accommodating policies.
In suggesting new questions to be asked, we also attempt to provide some advice for both governments and managers. That task is extraordinarily difficult, for there are few generalisations that hold up to scrutiny in particular circumstances. Advice that might be appropriate for Brazil may be wholly inappropriate for Kenya.
Acknowledgements
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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5 - LOCAL DECISIONS FOR FIRMS
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
In earlier chapters, we painted broad pictures of the issues in the world system, in multinationals' headquarters and in national government. By standing back far enough from the action, we could see some patterns in recent behaviour. But, as when looking at an impressionist painting, the image blurs as one approaches the canvas. So, too, when observing activity at the grass-roots level, the sense of order dissipates. Local managers are pulled in different directions by the multiple forces acting on them. Their behaviour is conditioned by the demands of their corporate masters and of the local bureaucracy; and by the need to build robust human systems capable of harnessing and developing local skills and resources. What patterns of behaviour as exist are to be seen more at the level of the individual firm than within industries. In this chapter, we examine the interplay of the first two influences, leaving the human side of the argument to the next chapter.
Among the many ways by which corporate strategy affects local managers, two stand out as being of prime importance. The first arises from the shifts towards global strategy that raise the costs of staying in the business. Because, as we showed in chapter 3, seemingly similar firms hold contrasting views on how risks and opportunities are measured, they respond differently to the growing need to focus on ‘core’ activities. Many industry leaders are now finding they have to shed activities that made sense in earlier years of expansive diversification.
Rival States, Rival Firms
- Competition for World Market Shares
- John M. Stopford, Susan Strange, John S. Henley
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In this theoretically original work, two distinguished authors explore the mutual interdependence of states and firms throughout the world. They show how global structural changes - in finance, technology, knowledge and politics - often impel governments to seek the help and cooperation of managers of multinational enterprises. Yet, as Professors Stopford and Strange demonstrate, this is constrained by each country's economic resources, its social structures and its political history. Based on grass-roots research into the experience of over 50 multinationals and more than 100 investment projects in three developing countries- Brazil, Malaysia and Kenya - the authors develop a matrix of agendas. They present the impact on projects of the multiple factors affecting the bargaining relationships between the government and the foreign firm at different times and in a variety of economic sectors. In conclusion they offer some guidelines for actions to both governments and firms and some points to future interdisciplinary research.
1 - THE NEW DIPLOMACY
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
The upheavals of the international political economy during the last decade have altered, irreversibly we believe, the relationships among states and multinational enterprises. Growing interdependence – that much abused word – now means that the rivalry between states and the rivalry between firms for a secure place in the world economy has become much fiercer, far more intense. As a result, firms have become more involved with governments and governments have come to recognise their increased dependence on the scarce resources controlled by firms. This mutual interdependence of states and firms throughout the world is the subject of this book; even though the detailed material is drawn from just three countries – Brazil, Kenya, Malaysia – we believe it raises new and universal questions just as relevant in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union or China as in the third world.
We start our questioning with six general propositions. The first is that states are now competing more for the means to create wealth within their territory than for power over more territory. Where they used to compete for power as a means to wealth, they now compete more for wealth as a means to power – but more for the power to maintain internal order and social cohesion than for the power to conduct foreign conquest or to defend themselves against attack. The implication is that national choices of industrial policy and efficiency in economic management are beginning to override choices of foreign or defence policy as the primary influences on how resources are allocated.
3 - GLOBAL COMPETITION
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
The accelerating pace of structural change thrusting multinationals more squarely centre-stage in world affairs means that the economics of competition in many industries have been altered fundamentally, and probably irreversibly. What is loosely termed ‘global competition’ is the outcome of how individual firms have reacted over time to the changing balance of opportunity and threat. The opportunities have been pervasive, given the declining regulatory and technical obstacles to the internationalisation of firms' activities. But so too have been the threats, for not all were able to respond adequately to the new standards set by the leaders. The actions taken by both leaders and followers have, at each turn of the wheel of fortune, helped to create the next round of change. Though most enterprises in developing countries have been by-standers in many rounds, more are now coming forward to play their part for the future. That a Taiwanese enterprise, the Evergreen Marine Corporation, has emerged as the world's largest container shipper reflects the new opportunities, even for latecomers in established industries.
This chapter explores why external change in the international political economy has had the uneven impact on industries we showed in the previous chapter. Some reasons are not hard to find. For example, electronics has transformed many industries, but left others like agriculture relatively unmarked. If during the last twenty years, the costs of automobiles had declined as fast as those for memory capacity in computers, today a Rolls-Royce would cost 50 cents (van Tulder and Junne, 1988). Equally, regulatory change transformed financial services, but had lesser impact on chemicals.
References
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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2 - STRUCTURAL CHANGES
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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Summary
The new diplomacy we sketched in chapter 1 has three critical and intertwined ingredients: the bargaining among states for power and influence, the competition among firms contesting the world market and the specific bargaining between states and firms for the use or creation of wealth-producing resources. All three are critically influenced by and in turn influence the world structures of security, finance and knowledge (Cox, 1987; Strange, 1988). The changes in these structures during the last few decades have altered the ground rules for everyone. Structural change has not, however, had a uniform effect on either firms or countries. Though the experience of structural change is common to all, the consequences have been sharply different for both countries and firms.
To make the point, consider the striking contrast during the period 1973–85 ‘between the serious economic setbacks suffered by the newly oil-rich Mexico and the notable strides made by the oil-poor and oil-hungry Brazil’ (Hirschman, 1986). While Mexico's political weakness was excused and its economy helped out by the US, Brazil's relationship with Washington steadily deteriorated and its policies came under American attack. Hirschman's explanation, influenced by the radical Brazilian economist, Antonio Barros de Castro, lay in the fortunate coincidence for Brazil of the 1983 devaluation with the moment when prior investments in heavy industry and infrastructure planned by the military government in the 1970s came to fruition (Lowenthal, 1987). Growth resumed strongly after the hiccup of the debt shock, and expanded industrial exports combined with harsh decisions to reduce imports financed enough of the debt service to maintain trade credit.
Index
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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- 17 October 1991, pp 309-321
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List of figures
- John M. Stopford, London Business School, Susan Strange, European University Institute, Florence, John S. Henley
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- Rival States, Rival Firms
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- 17 October 1991, pp ix-ix
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